Coomer was shocked to see the video. He is adamant that he has never participated in any protest phone calls and that he is disgusted by the allegation that he did anything to change the outcome of the election. The Trump campaign and its allies have launched more than 60 lawsuits claiming election fraud in the country, but no courts have found convincing evidence to support the idea that Coomer, Dominion or anyone else involved in the counting of votes changed the outcome of the election. Bipartisan audits of paper ballots in closely contested states like Georgia and Arizona confirmed Biden’s victory; and prominent Republicans, including Attorney General Bill Barr and Trump’s election cybersecurity official, reaffirmed election basics: discovered.
Oltmann is currently the subject of a defamation lawsuit brought by Coomer. It now names, as co-defendants, 14 parties responsible for the dissemination of Oltmann’s statements about that alleged objectionable phone call, including Sidney Powell, Rudy Giuliani and the Trump campaign. (Dominion has filed separate defamation lawsuits against Giuliani, Powell, Fox News and others. Attorneys for Giuliani, Powell and the Trump campaign declined to comment. Fox called the Dominion lawsuit. is “baseless” and defends the right to “both sides” of the Story.) Oltmann’s best defense is to provide corroboration of his claims about that phone call – he He said there were 19 people on the line – but he has so far refused to do so.
When Coomer watched the video, however, he felt a second strong emotion: a strong sense of regret — because the Facebook posts are, in fact, authentic. Why, he thought, didn’t he just delete them? Coomer can imagine how his words would sound to any Republican, let alone someone who heard on Fox News that Dominion was passing votes to Biden. He told me he believed every word he said on Facebook, but when colleagues later asked what he was thinking, he was blunt: He was wrong. At a time when well-funded efforts to sow distrust in the election are underway, Coomer has given conspiracy theorists a valuable resource, a grain of sand on which they can transformed into something of a feeling – a false promise – proof.
Elections in The United States can not be complicated. Each county – and, in some states, each municipality – runs its own election, creating a patchwork system in which voters in one place can have significantly different voting processes compared to neighboring countries just a few miles away. That discrepancy can cause suspicion: If voters in one county believe their election process is being carried out correctly, different methods in other counties may cast doubt on them. .
Local governments also rely on private companies such as Dominion and its competitors ES&S and Hart InterCivic, which together control 90% of the voting machine market, to provide the machines, software and support technical assistance. For Americans who doubt the election results – or are looking to create suspicion – these relatively obscure private companies represent a clear goal. In 2004, after George W. Bush narrowly won the presidency, Democrats focused on possible irregularities in Ohio, where 20 electoral votes would hand John the presidency. Kerry. The voting machines used in Ohio that year came from Diebold, whose chief executive, Walden O’Dell, was a longtime Republican donor. A year before the election, O’Dell wrote a letter to about 100 people inviting them to a fundraiser: “I am committed to helping Ohio deliver its electoral votes to the president next year,” he wrote. This language reinforced some Democrats’ skepticism about the Diebold machine. O’Dell later said the letter was a “big mistake” and Diebold ended up selling his voting machine business.
Dominion was founded after a different controversy: the failure of punch-card voting machines – and their infamous hanging chats – in the 2000 election. After Congress sponsored a In order to replace these machines, many counties purchased direct-recorded electronic (DRE) voting machines, eliminating paper voting altogether. The limits of that approach became apparent in 2006, when, in Sarasota, Fla., a Congressional race to use DRE machines manufactured by ES&S produced an outcome that left partisans and neutral observers are unlikely. ES&S stands by the outcome, but in the absence of a paper ballot, doubts and uncertainties persist.
Dominion was well positioned at the time. John Poulos, the company’s chief executive officer and one of the founders, started the business in 2003, serving a small group of customers who preferred paper ballots. In addition, Dominion has developed a tabulator that stores digital images of paper ballots so that they can be easily checked. (They also sell machines that address the needs of visually impaired voters, with audio interfaces and headsets allowing for independence and anonymity.)